Andy Burnham and Emmanuel Macron to Plot Brexit ‘Reset’ as French President Visits No 10
The relationship between Britain and the European Union could be heading towards a new chapter as Prime Minister Andy Burnham prepares to welcome French President Emmanuel Macron to Downing Street. The meeting is expected to provide an important opportunity to discuss the future of UK-EU relations, including the continuing effort to rebuild cooperation after Brexit. Macron’s visit comes at a significant moment for Burnham, who has only recently entered Downing Street but has already signalled that Britain needs a more confident and practical relationship with its European neighbours.
The meeting is particularly significant because France remains one of Britain’s most important European partners. The two countries have long cooperated on defence, security, energy and international affairs. Brexit created new difficulties in the relationship, particularly around trade, fishing, migration and other areas affected by Britain’s departure from the European Union. A renewed political dialogue could therefore be an important step towards reducing tensions and creating opportunities for closer cooperation.
Burnham’s arrival as Prime Minister has already attracted considerable attention across Europe. Macron congratulated him after he entered Downing Street and expressed hope that Britain and the European Union could deepen their relationship and give new momentum to their partnership.
The phrase “Brexit reset” is important because it does not necessarily mean reversing Brexit. Instead, it refers to the possibility of rebuilding practical relationships between Britain and the EU without immediately reopening the fundamental argument over whether the United Kingdom should have left the bloc. Burnham has previously expressed criticism of the consequences of Brexit, but he has also been careful about reopening the political divisions created by the referendum.
This cautious approach could be central to his discussions with Macron. A dramatic announcement about Britain seeking to rejoin the European Union would be politically difficult, particularly in communities where support for Brexit remains strong. Instead, Burnham may seek gradual improvements in cooperation that can deliver visible economic and social benefits without requiring Britain to reverse its decision to leave.
Trade is likely to be one of the most important issues. Brexit changed the way British businesses trade with European markets, introducing additional procedures and barriers that did not exist when the UK was a member of the EU. For companies that depend on European customers and suppliers, these changes have sometimes increased costs and administrative burdens.
A closer UK-EU relationship could potentially reduce some of these difficulties. However, the political challenge is substantial. Previous governments have been reluctant to accept arrangements that could be interpreted as taking Britain back towards the single market or customs union. Burnham therefore faces the difficult task of finding areas where greater cooperation is possible without appearing to abandon the principle of Brexit.
His political position could nevertheless give him some room for manoeuvre. Burnham has been described as broadly pro-European, and he has previously argued that Brexit has damaged Britain. At the same time, his current political message focuses heavily on domestic economic renewal, regional development and rebuilding trust among voters who feel neglected by Westminster.
This combination could produce an unusual approach to Europe. Rather than making Britain closer to Brussels through traditional diplomatic declarations, Burnham could seek cooperation in areas that directly support his domestic agenda. Industry, energy, technology, infrastructure and defence are all areas where Britain and European countries have common interests.
For example, Burnham’s emphasis on rebuilding Britain’s industrial capacity could create opportunities for cooperation with France and other European countries. Both Britain and the EU are increasingly concerned about economic resilience, supply chains and dependence on foreign technology. Joint investment and research could therefore become a practical foundation for a new relationship.
Security is another area where Britain and France already have strong reasons to cooperate. The two countries are major European military powers and permanent members of the United Nations Security Council. They also have a shared interest in European security at a time when Russia’s war against Ukraine continues to shape the continent’s strategic environment.
Burnham and Macron have already discussed cooperation on Ukraine, defence and energy. In a call shortly after Burnham became Prime Minister, the two leaders agreed on the importance of continuing close UK-France cooperation and supporting Ukraine.
This means that the planned meeting will not begin from zero. There is already an established relationship between the two countries, and both leaders have reasons to maintain it. The challenge will be turning broad statements about friendship into concrete agreements.
Energy could be particularly important. Britain needs secure and affordable energy supplies, while France has extensive experience in nuclear power and has strong ambitions for energy security. Cooperation in electricity, nuclear technology, renewable energy and infrastructure could benefit both sides.
The symbolic importance of Macron’s visit should also not be underestimated. Since Brexit, relations between Britain and France have occasionally been dominated by disputes. Fishing rights, migration across the English Channel and disagreements over Brexit arrangements have generated considerable political tension. A more constructive relationship could therefore have significance beyond individual agreements.
Cultural diplomacy may also play a role. Macron’s relationship with Britain has included efforts to strengthen historical and cultural connections. The arrival of the Bayeux Tapestry in Britain, for example, has been presented as an important act of Anglo-French cultural diplomacy and part of a broader effort to move beyond years of antagonism.
However, Burnham must be careful not to allow the visit to become purely symbolic. British voters are likely to judge any Brexit reset according to practical outcomes. If closer cooperation produces lower costs for businesses, better opportunities for exporters, stronger security cooperation or improvements in energy supply, the policy could gain public support. If it produces only photographs and diplomatic statements, voters may remain sceptical.
There is also a political danger in moving too quickly. Brexit remains an emotionally charged issue in Britain. Any suggestion that the government intends to reverse the referendum result could provoke a strong reaction from opponents. Burnham therefore has an incentive to frame his approach as pragmatic rather than ideological.
The distinction is important. A government can argue for closer cooperation with Europe without arguing for EU membership. Britain can cooperate with France on defence, technology and energy while remaining outside the European Union. It can also seek to reduce unnecessary trade barriers without accepting every rule associated with the single market.
This could be the central message of the Burnham-Macron meeting: Brexit does not have to mean permanent hostility or distance. Britain has left the European Union, but it remains geographically, economically and culturally connected to Europe.
Burnham’s wider political project may make this argument particularly relevant. His plans for No. 10 North in Manchester are designed to shift political power away from Westminster and towards the regions. The new centre has been presented as a symbol of decentralisation and a different way of governing Britain.
That regional approach could also influence Britain’s relationship with Europe. European countries often have strong regional and local governments, and Burnham has argued that greater decentralisation can strengthen economic development and democratic participation. Greater cooperation between British regions and European counterparts could therefore become part of his broader political vision.
Yet the biggest question remains whether the “reset” can deliver meaningful change. Britain’s relationship with the EU is complicated by the terms of the Brexit settlement. Major changes would require negotiations involving Brussels as well as individual European capitals. Macron can influence the debate, but he cannot single-handedly redesign Britain’s relationship with the European Union.
For that reason, the Downing Street meeting should be seen as the beginning of a process rather than a final agreement. The two leaders may establish priorities, identify areas for cooperation and create political momentum, but turning those ambitions into policy will require months or even years of negotiations.
There is also a wider European dimension. Other EU governments will be watching Burnham carefully. If Britain demonstrates that it wants a more constructive relationship with Europe, countries such as Germany, Ireland and the Netherlands could all have an interest in strengthening cooperation. France may therefore act as an important bridge between London and the wider European debate.
Ultimately, the meeting between Andy Burnham and Emmanuel Macron represents an opportunity to redefine the post-Brexit relationship. It does not necessarily mean Britain is preparing to rejoin the EU, nor does it erase the disagreements of the past decade. Instead, it could signal a recognition that Britain and its European neighbours have shared interests that are too important to ignore.
For Burnham, the challenge will be balancing two political objectives: respecting the reality of Brexit while reducing the economic and diplomatic costs associated with Britain’s separation from the EU. For Macron, the challenge will be encouraging Britain to move closer to Europe without creating expectations that France or the EU cannot meet.
If the two leaders succeed, the result could be a more mature relationship—one based less on arguments about the past and more on cooperation over the future. Defence, energy, trade, technology and industrial development all provide opportunities for practical progress.
The coming meeting at No. 10 will therefore be watched closely. Whether it becomes the beginning of a genuine Brexit reset or simply another diplomatic encounter will depend on what follows after the cameras leave Downing Street. The real test will not be the language of friendship used by Burnham and Macron, but whether their governments can turn that friendship into policies that make Britain and Europe more secure, prosperous and closely connected.
In the end, Brexit changed Britain’s relationship with Europe, but it did not change Britain’s geography. The Channel remains narrow, British businesses remain connected to European markets, and Britain and France continue to share important security and economic interests. A new relationship cannot undo history, but it can change what happens next. For Andy Burnham and Emmanuel Macron, that may be the most important reset of all.