https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Gn4pncTdXUA

As every motorist knows, the wholesale oil price isn’t the only thing that affects what we pay at the pumps. When we fill up, we’re topping up the taxman’s tank too. First, there’s fuel duty, an excise tax charged at a fixed rate for every litre of petrol or diesel sold. The current rate is 52.95p a litre. On top of that, motorists pay VAT at 20%, calculated on the whole price, including fuel duty.

Tax accounts for roughly 47% of a litre of petrol costing 175p, and around 43% of diesel at £2. Fuel duty has been frozen at its main rate since 2011, apart from the temporary 5p-a-litre cut introduced in March 2022 after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine sent energy prices soaring. Successive governments extended that cut rather than risk an immediate increase at the pumps.

Google Maps makes finding cheaper fuel more convenient. It doesn’t make fuel cheaper. And some motorists have questioned whether all the displayed prices are accurate or up to date.

Extending the 5p cut prevents the planned tax increase for now. Scrapping the remaining duty altogether would go much further. But with fuel duty raising more than £24 billion a year for the Treasury, and Healey’s fiscal headroom vanishing by the day, relief is far from guaranteed.

Healey has not committed to further fuel-duty cuts in the Budget. He may decide to postpone Reeves’s planned increases, but motorists can’t assume relief is coming. So far, Burnham’s help is more like a slap in the face. Motorists may get another one in the Budget.

ANDY BURNHAM JUST INSULTED EVERYONE WITH A CAR — FRESH ROW ERUPTS OVER COSTS FACING BRITISH MOTORISTS

Andy Burnham has found himself at the centre of another political debate after criticism of his position on motoring costs sparked anger among drivers and renewed questions about how politicians understand the financial pressures facing ordinary households.

For millions of people across Britain, owning a car is not a luxury. It is a practical necessity. Workers rely on their vehicles to reach jobs, parents use them to take children to school, and families living in rural communities often have few realistic alternatives to driving. For these households, even a relatively small increase in motoring costs can place additional pressure on already stretched budgets.

That is why any suggestion that motorists should simply accept higher costs, change their habits or abandon their vehicles can provoke such a strong reaction.

The headline accusation that Burnham has insulted everyone with a car reflects the intensity of this debate. However, the precise remarks that prompted the criticism need to be established before it can be concluded that he intended to dismiss motorists’ concerns. The wider argument nevertheless raises important questions about transport policy, household finances and the relationship between political decisions and everyday life.

With drivers already facing a range of expenses, including fuel, insurance, vehicle repairs, parking and taxation, politicians must explain how their proposals would affect people with different incomes and different transport needs.

Why motorists are increasingly frustrated

For many households, the cost of running a car extends far beyond the price displayed at the petrol station.

Drivers must budget for insurance premiums, road tax where applicable, servicing, tyres, MOT tests, unexpected mechanical problems and the depreciation of their vehicles. Those who rely on their cars for work may also face substantial fuel bills simply to earn their income.

These expenses can be particularly difficult for people who have little choice about how they travel.

In some rural communities, public transport services are infrequent or unavailable at the times people need them. Shift workers may finish their jobs after the last bus has departed, while tradespeople often need vehicles to carry tools and equipment between different locations.

Parents may have to make several journeys each day to manage childcare, school schedules and employment. Older people may rely on cars to attend medical appointments or visit relatives.

For these drivers, a policy that encourages people to use public transport may sound reasonable in principle but prove difficult to follow in practice.

The issue is not necessarily resistance to cleaner transport or better public services. It is whether the alternatives exist, are affordable and can meet the needs of people who depend on their vehicles.

When politicians overlook those practical realities, they risk creating the impression that transport policy is being designed around the experiences of people who have more choices than the average motorist.

The political danger of appearing disconnected

One of the most persistent challenges facing politicians is the perception that they do not understand the financial pressures experienced by ordinary families.

A policy may have a defensible objective, whether reducing pollution, improving public transport or managing congestion. Yet if its costs fall disproportionately on people who cannot easily change their behaviour, the public response may be sharply negative.

Motorists are particularly sensitive to this issue because driving costs can be difficult to avoid. Unlike some discretionary purchases, fuel and vehicle maintenance may be essential expenses for people who need to reach work or provide care for family members.

A driver living outside a major city may be unable to replace a car journey with a convenient train or bus service. Someone on a low income may also struggle to afford an electric vehicle, even if they would welcome lower running costs in the long term.

This creates a gap between policy ambitions and everyday circumstances.

If Burnham’s remarks are interpreted as suggesting that drivers should simply accept additional costs, critics will argue that he has failed to acknowledge those differences. Supporters of his approach may counter that transport policy must also address congestion, air quality and the long-term environmental consequences of vehicle use.

The substance of the disagreement matters more than the political insults. The central question is whether a proposed policy offers a workable solution without unfairly burdening people who have limited alternatives.

Rachel Reeves and the wider debate over household costs

The reference to Rachel Reeves reflects a broader political argument about the financial pressures facing British households and the decisions made by the government.

Taxes, energy bills, housing costs, food prices and transport expenses all contribute to the amount of money families have available at the end of each month. For households already operating on tight budgets, an additional expense can mean cutting back elsewhere.

Motorists may be particularly concerned when several costs rise at the same time. A higher insurance renewal, an unexpected repair and an increase in fuel expenditure can quickly create a financial problem.

The political challenge is to explain the combined effect of decisions rather than discussing each expense in isolation.

A policy that appears affordable when considered on its own may have a different impact when added to other household commitments. Equally, a measure intended to reduce long-term costs may still create short-term difficulties for people who cannot afford to change vehicles or travel arrangements immediately.

Politicians need to recognise that households make decisions based on their overall financial circumstances, not on a single policy announcement.

Comparisons between Burnham and Reeves may generate attention, but the more useful question is how each proposal affects drivers, what alternatives are available and whether any additional costs are justified by clear benefits.

Are motorists being asked to pay more?

Debates about motoring frequently involve several different policy questions that should not be confused.

Fuel taxation, vehicle excise duty, parking charges, congestion charging and road pricing are distinct mechanisms. Each has different objectives and affects drivers in different ways.

Some measures are designed to raise revenue, while others aim to manage traffic, discourage certain journeys or address environmental concerns. Their impact depends on the precise rules, the geographical area covered and the availability of alternatives.

Before concluding that a particular politician has proposed making driving more expensive, it is necessary to identify the actual policy and examine how it would operate.

For example, a charge that applies to drivers entering a congested city centre may affect commuters differently from a nationwide change in fuel duty. A parking policy may have little effect on one household but impose a substantial cost on a worker who has no alternative place to leave a vehicle.

The details are essential.

A fair assessment should establish who would pay, how much they would pay, whether exemptions would apply and what practical options would be available to people affected.

Without that information, political arguments risk turning a complex transport question into a simple accusation that motorists are being targeted.

The problem with telling people to use public transport

One of the most common responses to concerns about motoring costs is that people should use buses, trains or other forms of public transport whenever possible.

In areas with frequent services, affordable fares and convenient connections, this can be a realistic option. Public transport can reduce congestion, lower emissions per passenger and remove the need for some households to own a second vehicle.

But the situation is very different in places where services are limited.

Some villages have few buses, while others have services that stop early in the evening or operate only at certain times. Rail stations may be several miles away, and journeys involving multiple connections can add considerable time to a working day.

For a person working an early shift, travelling with young children or carrying heavy equipment, the alternatives may be impractical.

There is also a financial dimension. Public transport is not automatically cheaper for every journey, particularly when several family members are travelling together or when a journey requires multiple tickets.

This does not mean public transport should not be improved. On the contrary, better services could give many households greater freedom to choose how they travel.

However, asking motorists to change their behaviour without first providing reliable alternatives can create resentment rather than encouraging a lasting change.

Rural Britain faces a different transport reality

Transport policy can have very different consequences depending on where people live.

In large cities, residents may have access to buses, trains, underground services, cycling infrastructure and shops within walking distance. In rural communities, distances are often greater and public transport options more limited.

A family living in a village may need a car for commuting, shopping, healthcare and school transport. A small business may depend on a van to reach customers across a wide area.

For these households, driving is not necessarily a lifestyle preference. It is part of how they access employment, education and essential services.

This is why a national transport policy needs to recognise regional differences.

If policymakers want to reduce car dependency, they must consider how to improve public transport outside major urban centres, maintain affordable connections and ensure that people with disabilities or mobility limitations are not left behind.

They must also recognise that vehicle replacement takes time. Many households cannot afford to buy a newer car simply because a policy encourages cleaner technology.

A transition that works for higher-income drivers may be considerably more difficult for people who depend on older vehicles and have limited savings.

The transition to electric vehicles

The move towards electric vehicles is another source of debate among motorists.

Electric cars can offer lower running costs in certain circumstances, particularly for drivers who can charge at home and travel predictable distances. They also produce no exhaust emissions while being driven.

However, the financial calculation depends on the vehicle’s purchase price, electricity tariffs, insurance, maintenance and charging arrangements.

Drivers without private parking may face difficulties installing a home charger. Public charging can be more expensive than charging at home, and the availability of suitable charging points varies by location.

For households on lower incomes, the upfront cost of changing vehicles may be the greatest barrier.

These differences matter when politicians discuss the future of motoring. Encouraging cleaner vehicles is one thing; assuming that every household can afford to change immediately is another.

A practical transition needs accessible charging infrastructure, affordable vehicle options and policies that take account of people who cannot replace their cars quickly.

It should also recognise that many drivers keep vehicles for years because replacing them is expensive.

The debate should therefore focus on how to make cleaner transport accessible rather than portraying motorists who continue to drive conventional vehicles as unwilling to change.

What should politicians do instead?

If policymakers want to build public confidence, they need to explain transport proposals clearly and show how the costs and benefits will be distributed.

First, they should publish realistic assessments of how proposed charges or restrictions would affect different groups of drivers.

Second, they should consider exemptions or targeted support where people face genuine hardship or have no practical alternative to driving.

Third, investment in public transport should be connected to the places where people actually live and work. New services need to operate at useful times and provide reliable connections, not merely exist on a timetable.

Fourth, governments should acknowledge the financial barriers facing households that want to switch to cleaner vehicles but cannot afford to do so immediately.

Finally, politicians should engage directly with motorists, businesses and local communities before presenting complicated changes as straightforward solutions.

Listening to criticism does not require abandoning environmental objectives or rejecting every proposal to manage traffic. It means recognising that policies work best when they account for the practical circumstances of the people expected to follow them.

Why the political argument matters

Transport policy affects millions of people, which means disagreements over driving costs can become wider arguments about fairness and trust.

A motorist who feels ignored may interpret a new charge as evidence that politicians do not understand the realities of daily life. A family struggling to manage household bills may see a transport proposal as another financial burden.

These perceptions can influence political debate well beyond the original policy.

For Burnham, the significance of the controversy will depend on what he actually said, what measures he supports and whether his proposals would create additional costs for drivers. A strong political accusation is not a substitute for examining those details.

For Reeves and the government more broadly, the challenge is similar: policies affecting household budgets must be explained in terms people can understand, with clear information about who pays and what they receive in return.

Critics should also distinguish between a policy’s stated objective and its practical effect. A measure intended to reduce congestion may have legitimate benefits, but those benefits do not automatically justify every cost imposed on drivers.

The public deserves a debate that examines both sides.

The bottom line for Britain’s motorists

The anger captured by the headline reflects a real policy dilemma. Britain needs to consider congestion, air pollution, transport investment and the long-term future of vehicle ownership. At the same time, millions of people rely on cars because their jobs, families and local circumstances leave them with few practical alternatives.

Any proposal that changes the cost of driving must recognise this reality.

Before deciding whether Burnham’s position amounts to an insult to motorists, the specific remarks and proposed measures need to be examined. But the wider lesson is clear: transport policy cannot succeed simply by telling people to change their habits. It must provide realistic alternatives and explain how the transition will affect household finances.

Drivers are not a single group with identical needs. Some can comfortably choose public transport or replace a vehicle, while others depend on their cars to maintain employment and access essential services.

A fair approach must account for those differences.

Ultimately, the question is not whether politicians should discuss the costs and consequences of driving. They must. The question is whether they can develop policies that address Britain’s transport challenges without treating motorists as if they all have the same choices, resources and opportunities.

For households already under financial pressure, that distinction could make all the difference.

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