That idiotic speech this week made clear just how terrified Starmer is of Farage and his terror will have swelled Reform’s ranks even more.

And Yes, Starmer will now do what he does well – he’ll launch a dirty tricks campaign to try and destroy Farage. But it won’t work.

Day after day we have to watch liars and illegals aided by their tricksy lawyers manipulating international law to allow people who shouldn’t be here – to stay.

Hermer has now been forced to apologise for his disgusting comments but the fact remains we’re all being insulted and taken for mugs by people like him. But Starmer won’t sack him presumably because he feels the same as Hermer – they both hate Britain.

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Millionaire beauty entrepreneur Trinny Woodall says she’s having a hard time trying to bulk up having lost weight after an illness.

Are we really supposed to feel sorry for a super-rich, beautiful woman who’s having to force herself to eat more to put on weight when the rest of us are doing the opposite?

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So Reeves’ and Starmer’s inheritance tax on farmers has claimed its first scalp. An inquest has ruled that farmer John Charlesworth hanged himself the day before Reeves’ autumn budget when it became clear a tax on farms was coming and he wanted to ensure HIS farm was passed onto future generations before it was taken away by Reeves.

Will this tragedy even register with her or Starmer?

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I’m forever banging on about how everything Meghan touches turns to you-know-what. Well this week two (more) massive blows to her credibility. First, her infamous jam, which she insisted sold out in record time, might not be made any more because Meghan says she’s “stepping back to reassess” her As Ever brand.

Translated – nothing is selling.

Meghan needs to be careful about what she puts on social media… the truth will always out!

The fatuous attempts by Macron and his weird looking wife Brigitte to look like they’re madly in love just days after she smacked him in the face (with both hands) are actually insulting.

We’re not stupid – we all saw what happened. And we also saw Macron’s horrified expression when he realised the world had seen it too.

Whatever nonsense the Macron’s PR machine is banging out – no-one’s buying it.

Keir Starmer Hasn’t Got Any Guns to Turn on Reform – He’s Wimpy and Limp-Wristed

Keir Starmer is facing an increasingly difficult political challenge from Reform UK, yet the Labour leader appears to have struggled to find a convincing strategy for confronting Nigel Farage and the movement that has grown around him.

The political battle is no longer simply about Labour versus the Conservatives. Reform has changed the shape of the contest, forcing Labour to respond to voters who are angry about immigration, the cost of living, public services, taxation and what they see as a political establishment disconnected from everyday life.

For Reform supporters, this represents an opportunity. For Labour, it represents a serious strategic problem.

The central criticism of Starmer from his opponents is that he has failed to develop a sufficiently forceful response. Reform figures and commentators have repeatedly portrayed the Prime Minister as hesitant, cautious and unable to deal with Farage on equal political terms. The language can be deliberately provocative, but beneath it lies a genuine question: how does Labour intend to stop Reform from taking more support?

Farage has created a different kind of challenge

Nigel Farage has spent decades developing a political identity built around confrontation.

Whether voters agree with him or not, Farage has generally been willing to place controversial issues at the centre of his political message. Brexit established his reputation as a politician prepared to challenge the Westminster consensus, while immigration has subsequently become one of the principal themes of his political campaigning.

That creates a difficult opponent for Starmer.

Traditional party leaders often seek to reduce political conflict, emphasise competence and present themselves as responsible administrators. Farage frequently does the opposite. He thrives on political confrontation and uses disagreements with established parties to reinforce his argument that the political system needs fundamental change.

Trying to defeat that approach simply by attacking Farage personally may therefore have limited effect.

The more Labour attacks Reform without addressing the concerns behind its support, the easier it becomes for Reform to argue that the establishment is refusing to listen.

The immigration question

Immigration is perhaps the clearest example.

Reform has made border control one of its defining issues, particularly the question of illegal Channel crossings and the wider asylum system.

The party argues that successive governments have failed to control Britain’s borders and that much tougher measures are required.

Labour has attempted to demonstrate that it is taking the issue seriously, including through policies aimed at increasing enforcement and reducing illegal migration. But the political difficulty is that Reform can always argue that Labour is moving too slowly or not going far enough.

This creates a trap.

If Labour adopts tougher policies, Reform can claim that its pressure forced the government to change course. If Labour refuses to move in that direction, Reform can accuse the government of ignoring voters’ concerns.

Starmer therefore needs more than individual announcements. He needs a coherent argument explaining what Labour believes Britain’s immigration system should look like and why.

The danger of looking reactive

One of the biggest political problems for any government is appearing to react to its opponents rather than setting its own agenda.

Reform has frequently attempted to establish the political conversation on its preferred subjects. When that happens, Labour can find itself responding to questions posed by Farage rather than defining the questions itself.

That is particularly dangerous because political communication is not simply about individual policies.

It is also about confidence.

A government that appears uncertain can encourage voters to believe that it lacks a clear direction. Conversely, a party that communicates a consistent message can appear more organised even when its proposals remain controversial.

This is why Starmer’s critics use terms such as “wimpy” or “limp-wristed”. Those descriptions are political rhetoric rather than objective assessments, but they reflect a broader criticism that Labour has struggled to project the kind of political confidence required in an increasingly fragmented electorate.

Labour cannot simply shout louder

There is, however, another side to the argument.

Being more aggressive towards Reform does not automatically solve Labour’s problem.

Farage is experienced at political confrontation. Attempting to out-Farage Farage could simply strengthen his position by giving him more opportunities to dominate the conversation.

Labour therefore faces a difficult balancing act.

It needs to defend its record, explain its policies and respond to legitimate concerns from voters without allowing Reform to dictate every element of the political debate.

That requires discipline.

Starmer’s challenge is not necessarily to produce the most dramatic political attack. It is to create an argument that persuades voters who may be considering Reform that Labour understands their concerns and has a credible plan to address them.

The economy is just as important

Immigration may attract much of the political attention, but economic concerns could be equally important.

Households remain sensitive to energy costs, food prices, mortgages, rents and taxation. Workers want to know whether their incomes will improve. Pensioners want confidence about their financial security. Businesses want predictable conditions in which they can invest and employ people.

Reform has attempted to connect these concerns to a wider argument about government spending, taxation and economic management.

Labour’s response has been to emphasise economic stability and public investment while insisting that difficult decisions are necessary after years of economic disruption.

The problem is that economic arguments are judged not only by statistics but by people’s everyday experiences.

A government can point to improvements in headline indicators, yet voters may remain dissatisfied if their household finances still feel under pressure.

That gap between official economic messaging and personal experience can create political space for challengers.

Reform still has its own vulnerabilities

It would nevertheless be wrong to assume that Reform’s rise makes its position unassailable.

The party faces questions about its candidates, internal organisation, policy costs and ability to transform national support into parliamentary representation.

There is also the question of whether voters who express support for Reform in opinion polls would ultimately vote for it in a general election.

Polling can identify changes in public opinion, but it cannot guarantee future electoral outcomes.

Reform must therefore demonstrate that it can maintain support over time while building a political organisation capable of competing across hundreds of constituencies.

That is a much more demanding task than generating headlines.

Starmer’s real weapon

If Starmer is to challenge Reform effectively, his strongest weapon may not be a personal attack on Farage at all.

It may be delivery.

If Labour can demonstrate that it is improving public services, strengthening economic security, reducing illegal migration, addressing housing pressures and improving living standards, it can make an argument based on governing rather than opposition.

That would also make it harder for Reform to present itself as the only party willing to confront Britain’s problems.

But delivery takes time, while political news moves extremely quickly.

A government can spend months implementing a programme and see the political benefit disappear after one damaging headline.

Reform, by contrast, can respond to almost any development with a simple message: the established parties have failed and only a political shake-up can fix the problem.

That simplicity is powerful.

The battle for disillusioned voters

Ultimately, the contest between Labour and Reform is partly a battle over political trust.

Many voters do not necessarily identify strongly with any party. They may support different parties at different elections or change their minds depending on the issue.

Those voters are particularly important.

If Labour wants to prevent Reform from expanding, it must understand why people who previously supported Labour are considering alternatives.

That means listening to concerns rather than dismissing them.

It also means recognising that voters can have complicated views. Someone can support stronger border controls while wanting well-funded public services. Someone can be concerned about taxation while supporting investment in infrastructure. Someone can be dissatisfied with Labour without automatically becoming a committed Reform supporter.

Political parties that treat voters as belonging permanently to one camp risk misunderstanding how modern elections work.

A test of political leadership

The argument that Starmer is too weak to confront Reform is ultimately a political judgement, not an established fact.

But the question behind that criticism is significant.

Can the Labour government define its own agenda strongly enough that Reform is no longer able to dominate the conversation?

That is the real test.

Starmer does not necessarily need to become more like Farage. In fact, attempting to imitate his style could create new problems. What Labour needs is a distinctive political case capable of answering the concerns that have allowed Reform to grow.

That case must be about more than telling voters why they should not vote for Farage.

It must explain why they should trust Labour.

The coming political battles will therefore be about much more than personalities. They will involve immigration, the economy, public services, taxation, national identity and the future direction of Britain.

Reform has demonstrated its ability to disrupt the established political order. Labour has demonstrated that it remains a major force in British politics.

The question now is whether Starmer can turn that position into a clear political strategy.

His critics will continue to portray him as hesitant and ineffective. His supporters will argue that governing responsibly requires something different from political theatre.

Ultimately, voters will judge the competing arguments for themselves.

But one thing is clear: Reform cannot simply be ignored.

Farage has succeeded in making his party an unavoidable part of Britain’s political conversation. If Labour wants to contain that challenge, it will need more than occasional attacks and reactive announcements.

It will need a compelling political message, visible results and a clear explanation of what it wants Britain to become.

That is a considerably harder task than simply firing political “guns” at an opponent.

And it may be the real test of Starmer’s leadership.

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